Think Before We Dive: A Reflection on Doctor-Assisted Suicide
The waves of sympathy and respect for Sue Rodriguez are camouflaging the
real issue at stake in this debate: should a person be allowed to help
another kill themselves.
We respect the courage and dignity Ms Rodriguez displayed in
advocating her point of view. Her claim for autonomy resonates with the
commonly held assumption that our bodies are our own and we should be
able to do with them as we want. Giving increased acceptance of this
assumption was the tragedy of her affliction and the way in which she
won the hearts of many Canadians.
At the heart of this debate, however, is an understanding of what we
have commonly understood to be the meaning of murder. While "murder" is
a word most wish to avoid, we really are talking about taking a
person's life. To avoid using the word is to pretend the debate is not
about that. If we wish to redefine the word and move the boundaries of
what our law defines as murder, then we must as a society understand
that that is what we are doing.
The Constitution and Criminal Code both act as mirrors, reflecting
what we as Canadians believe. In our history, the protection of life has
been considered central to our societal values. We have laws to protect
life and laws that punish those who injure or end life. To change that
and now say, "We'll allow you, on the basis of someone's request, to end
a life" is a departure from what we as a society have held. If we give
courts the latitude to confer on people the right to authorize someone
else to assist them in taking their own lives, it means that as a
society our views of life have radically changed.
The assumption that our lives are just our own--meaning it's not the
business of anyone else what we do with them--is a classic
post-Enlightenment view. It focuses on the autonomous, unhindered will
of the individual. But this belief runs smack into the wall of a growing
realization that individualism as a ruling ideology is
counter-productive and in the end has a disintegrating affect on
society.
Liberal individualism, though promoting self-asserted action, cannot
obscure the fact that we are not islands, living without regard for
other. What one person does affects others. Our laws, health care system
and educational institutions are run on the assumption that we are not
John Waynes, striding off into the horizon, accountable only to self. As
humans we are incredibly interrelated and interdependent.
This tension between individual rights and societal living will be
evident as this debate moves into the national political forum. We will
want to hear all sides and views. And it will be important that
Canadians express their views after careful consideration of what is at
stake.
One vital consideration is the responsibility we place on doctors.
To expect medical professionals to be responsible for deciding how to
respond to a patient's request for help in suicide is to distort the
very nature of their calling. What does this do to their vows of
preserving life? Do we make them into state-supported life terminators?
Not a simple or easy question.
In the face of dominant secularism, Canadians are showing a
remarkable resilience in spirit-centred concerns. Issues of meaning,
ultimacy and transcendence are on the lips of many, even if the
producers of media programs and journalistic pieces are unwilling to see
or admit it. The Supreme Court alluded to this in its ruling on this
issue last autumn. In speaking of the liberty and security of the person
the majority said, "A consideration of these interests cannot be
divorced from the sanctity of life." The argument focused "on the
generally held and deeply rooted belief in our society that human life
is sacred...." The Court maintained that autonomy must be balanced by
the principle of the sanctity of life.
The Court's ruling made it clear that no longer will an
individualistic view be the only one countenanced by the court. This
will certainly be rubished by those who assert that matters of faith and
belief are only for personal or congregational privacy, but many are
recognizing that issues of life and death cannot exclude the larger
debate of purpose and essence. No one person's freedom is absolute.
Taking the life or participating in taking the life of another is not
one person's prerogative, be they friend, foe or physician.
Usually ignored in this debate is what a reversion of our views will
do to our treatment of those who are extremely disabled. A possible
consequence of allowing doctor-assisted suicide is this view: since we
now have a legal provision that allows very sick people to take their
life, and given the high cost of palliative care and the need for more
available beds, those in such debilitating conditions have a
responsibility to society to end their life. Along with this possible
outcome is the overarching concern that as a people we will lose our
sense of obligation to pay the costs of those in need.
The community I represent has a deep commitment to the issue of
life, be it with respect to abortion, euthanasia or assisted suicide.
Yes, this issue is one which calls for a national debate. But let us not
be driven by the emotion we all feel in particular circumstances. The
physical distress of an individual or the tear of a politician is not a
sound basis for an enormous shift in the way we view death and therefore
life.